The Jatiya Rakkhi Bahini () was a Bangladeshi paramilitary force formed in 1972 by the Sheikh Mujibur Rahman government. Initially formed to curb an insurgency and maintain law and order, the force became involved in numerous charges of human rights abuses, including political killings, shooting by death squads, and rape. It was seen as the armed wing of the ruling Awami League and it swore an oath of loyalty to Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.
The Rakkhi Bahini has been condemned by many academics and journalists, including Ghulam Murshid who compared it with the Gestapo, and Anthony Mascarenhas who said that it was a "gang of hoodlums little different from the Nazi Brown shirts." Human Rights Watch states that the institutionalized violence committed by the Jatiya Rakkhi Bahini, established the culture of impunity with which security forces in independent Bangladesh continue to abuse human rights. Pro Awami League commentators dismiss the charges as "myths".
History Background After the end of the Bangladesh Liberation War, there was a violent insurgency led by Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal to replace the elected revolutionary government of the newly independent country with a "scientific socialist" system of government inspired by Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China through the uses of private militias formed by left-wing army commanders who fought in the war, such as Colonel Abu Taher.
During the Liberation War of Bangladesh, numerous civilians joined the war after being trained by the Indian forces. Tajuddin Ahmad felt these people should come under national service as they had arms and training. Tajuddin Ahmad asked Sheikh Mujibur Rahman to form a para-military force for them.
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman primarily rejected the proposal but soon realized the necessity of an elite force, because many police officers died in the Bangladesh Liberation War. Whenever rebels attacked them in their office, they were outnumbered. Raw materials, machinery and goods of factories were being smuggled through the border to India which also became a headache for the newly formed government.
Time remarked after independence that "Many of the more radical young guerrillas who fought with the Mukti Bahini may not be content with the moderate course charted by the middle-aged politicians of the Awami League. Moreover, the present Dacca government is a very remote power in country villages where the local cadres of the Mukti Bahini are highly visible." The article also quoted one of its commanders, Ali Ashraf Chowdhury: "We will never lay down our arms until our social ideals have been realized". he said. The article continues, "So far the Mujib Bahini has done a commendable job of protecting the Biharis, the non-Bengali Moslems who earned Bengali wrath by siding with the Pakistani army. But the government is anxious to disarm the Mujib Bahini, and has plans to organize it into a constabulary that would carry out both police and militia duties."
Masudul Haque in his book, Bangladesher Swadhinota Juddho O CIA (Liberation War of Bangladesh and CIA), mentions Abdur Rajjak, a young leader and the chief of Bangladesh Swecchasebok League (Bangladesh Volunteer's League) that Mujib told them not to surrender all the guns.
Jatiya Rakkhi Bahini was actively deployed just after the Indian Army left Bangladesh on 17 March. The force was trained and brought up by Major General Sujan Singh Uban from Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) as per the request of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Moidul Hassan, confirmed this information in the book Muktijuddher Purbapor. Moidul Hassan wrote,
However, this is at least partially inaccurate as Pakistani President Bhutto did not release Sheikh Mujibur Rahman "without any condition". Indeed, at the direction of Indira Gandhi, who was desperate to keep Sheikh Mujibur Rahman alive and to free him, some 90,000 Pakistani POWs (including thousands of women and children civilians) were housed in comfort and released without extradition or charges despite massive and manifest human rights violations against both Bengali Muslims and Hindus during the War of Liberation. In Savar camp there was three additional battalions who were called Recruit Battalion. These three battalions were directly supervised by Major Bala Reddy. Anwar-ul-Alam admitted that there were many Junior Commissioned Officers of Indian Army in the training camp of Savar.
Formation On 3 January 1972, naming prime minister Tajuddin Ahmad as the chairman, the Bangladesh government announced the names of the ten members of the Central Regulating Board of the National Militia. The members were: Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani (chairman, National Awami Party (Bhashani)) Abul Hasnat Muhammad Qamaruzzaman (home minister, People's Republic of Bangladesh) Manoranjan Dhar (member of National Assembly, Awami League) Moni Singh (chairman, Communist Party of Bangladesh) Professor Muzaffar Ahmed (president, National Awami Party (Muzaffar)) Gazi Golam Mostafa (member of Provincial Assembly, Awami League) Rafiq Uddin Bhuiyan (member of Provincial Assembly, Awami League) Tofael Ahmed (member of National Assembly, Awami League) Abdur Razzaq (member of Provincial Assembly, Awami League) Captain (retd.) Muhammad Shujat Ali (member of Provincial Assembly, Awami League). Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, wanted to merge the Jatiya Rakkhi Bahini, with the Bangladesh Rifles but the Bangladesh Rifles personnel stiffly opposed the move in a commotion that resulted in a mutiny. This plan was then abandoned.
The Jatiya Rakkhi Bahini Order (President's order No. 21) of 1972 provided for the establishment of the force and set out its responsibilities and powers. The presidential order, published on 7 March, was retroactive to 1 February.
Political opponents of the Awami League allege that the Rakkhi Bahini was made to replace the army. The Rakkhi Bahini had automatic weapons, steel helmets, jeeps, trucks etc. The Awami League government seemed to be more interested in the development of the militia than in the armed forces. It was planned that this militia would be increased annually so that by the end of 1980 its strength would be 20,000. On the other hand, Bangladesh Army was poorly equipped. In winter they had to guard the border in slippers.
The Rakkhi Bahini was distrusted by the defence services in Bangladesh because of its pro-Indian orientation. This was so for several reasons. First, most of the members of the armed forces who fought during the War of Independence strongly believed that the Indian Army just walked in at the end of Bangladesh Liberation War thereby robbing the Bangladesh military of the "glory of liberating their motherland." Second, many senior military officers believed that the government-in-exile at Mujibnagar signed a secret treaty with the Indian government, compromising the sovereignty of Bangladesh and that Sheikh Mujib became less interested in the development of the defence forces because of that treaty. Third, many senior army personnel felt that the Jatiya Rakkhi Bahini was planned and designed by the Indian Army for the safety of the Awami League regime. The poorly equipped defence services were also bitter about the fact that the Indian Army took away all the sophisticated weapons left by the Pakistan Army.
Mascarenhas also records the statement of Major General Abul Manzoor, that numerous military personnel were killed by Rakkhi Bahini terming them as Razakars or collaborators. Despite the indignation, from July 1973 to July 1974, the army conducted a number of combined military operations with the Rakkhi Bahini and the police such as checking for smuggling at the border, handling 'extremists', and maintaining law and order.
The Jatiya Rakkhi Bahini (Amendment) Act of 1974 added two new articles, 8A and 16A, to the act, effective retroactively to 1 February 1972. Article 8A granted officers of the Rakkhi Bahini the power to arrest without warrant any person they reasonably suspect of having committed a cognizable offence under any law. This is similar to the power of police officers. The article further states that anyone arrested by the Rakkhi Bahini shall be delivered forthwith to the nearest police station. It also gives officers the right of search and seizure in connection with any reasonable suspicion that an offence has been committed.
Article 3 of the act says,
After the assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
When Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was killed on 15 August 1975 by members of the Bangladesh Army, the Rakkhi Bahini was very inactive.
After the coup, members of Rakkhi Bahini who were deployed all around the country escaped from their camps and houses in fear of mob-violence, as the people were very angry with them.
After the death of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the force was absorbed in Bangladesh Army after the "Jatiyo Rokkhi Bahini Absorption Act, 1975 came into effect. It was issued on 9 October 1975 and was in effect from 3 September 1975.
The director general of the force Brigadier Nuruzzaman was appointed as an ambassador after the force was absorbed.
Organization Jatiya Rakkhi Bahini had a complete table of organization which was circulated on 8 March 1972 by a gazette notification. The chief of the force was known as director general. His five deputies were known as Deputy Director General. In reality, the Rakkhi Bahini was under the direct control of the prime minister's office and attached to the local Awami League units. In time, the government planned to place each unit under the command of a district governor. The Rakkhi Bahini also swore an oath of loyalty to Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.
Brigadier A. N. M. Nuruzzaman was appointed as the director general while Major Anwar Ul Alam Shahid (deputy director, Training), Lieutenant Colonel Abul Hasan Khan (deputy director, administration), Lieutenant Colonel Sarwar (deputy director, operations), Lieutenant Colonel Sabihuddin Ahmed (deputy director, signals), Lieutenant Colonel Azizul Islam (deputy director, Zonal Headquarters of Chittagong) and Lieutenant Colonel A M Khan (deputy director, medical) were his six deputies. The bulk of the Rakkhi Bahini personnel were recruited from the Mujib Bahini, a militia force that was formed during the concluding part of Liberation War and was under direct Indian supervision.
The basic training of the force officers candidates were given in Indian Military Academy, and at Savar camp, under the supervision of Indian military officer named Major Bala Reddy. Any other additional courses, special courses were also provided by Indian Army, at the Indian Military Academy of Dehradun.
Some additional land and properties were also given to this force by the government. The zonal headquarters building in the Bhatiary of Chittagong and lands in Giltala of Khulna, Bateshwar of Sylhet, Bogra and in Mirpur of Dhaka.
During its first days as it was formed as an auxiliary of Police, it helped police to guard the office. When police failed to control the situation, they were deployed. At least 44 offices and residents of police were attacked and looted from June to December 1973. So the government deployed Jatiyo Rakkhi Bahini within September of the year. JASAD challenged the government's activities and started to gain huge popularity especially among the students and youths. And many other secret organizations emerged and gained popularity as the government was failing to solve almost every issue.
Human rights abuses The Rakkhi Bahini committed various human rights abuses, including extrajudicial killing, forced disappearances, shooting by death squads, and rape. Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal claims that over 60,000 of its members were killed. The most conservative estimates put the death toll at over 2000. Syed Badrul Ahsan dismisses these claims as "myths."
Anthony Mascarenhas describes the activities of Jatiyo Rakkhi Bahini in his book Bangladesh: A Legacy of Blood, he writes: