The politics of Papua New Guinea takes place in a framework of a parliamentary representative democratic multi-party system, whereby the prime minister is the head of government. Papua New Guinea is an independent Commonwealth realm, with the monarch serving as head of state and a governor-general, nominated by the National Parliament, serving as their representative. Executive power is exercised by the government. Legislative power is vested in both the government and parliament.
Constitutional safeguards include freedom of speech, press, worship, movement, and association. The judiciary is independent of the executive and the legislature.
Executive branch
Papua New Guinea is a Commonwealth realm with Charles III as king. The monarch's representative is the governor-general of Papua New Guinea, who is elected by the unicameral National Parliament of Papua New Guinea. Papua New Guinea and Solomon Islands are the only realms in which the governor-general is elected by parliament; the governor-general is still formally appointed by the monarch per parliamentary vote. The governor general acts on the advice of the prime minister and the cabinet.
The Constitution of Papua New Guinea provides for the executive to be responsible to parliament as the representative of the Papua New Guinean people. The National Parliament elects the prime minister of Papua New Guinea, who is then appointed by the governor-general. The other ministers are appointed by the governor-general on the prime minister's advice and form the National Executive Council of Papua New Guinea, which acts as the country's cabinet. The National Parliament has 111 seats, of which 22 are occupied by the governors of the 21 provinces and the National Capital District, and sits for a maximum of five years. Candidates for members of parliament are voted upon when the prime minister asks the governor-general to call a national election.
The governments of Papua New Guinea are characterized by weak political parties and highly unstable parliamentary coalitions. The prime minister, elected by Parliament, chooses the other members of the cabinet. Each ministry is headed by a cabinet member, who is assisted by a permanent secretary, a career public servant, who directs the staff of the ministry. The cabinet consists of members, including the prime minister and ministers of executive departments. They answer politically to the parliament.
The governor general appoints the chief justice of the supreme court on the advice of the prime minister and the leader of the opposition. The governor general appoints the other justices with the advice of a judicial commission.
Legislative branch
Papua New Guinea has a unicameral National Parliament, previously known as the House of Assembly. It has 118 seats, with 96 elected from single-member "Open" electorates representing districts, and 22 from province-level "Provincial" electorates (20 provinces, the National Capital District, and the Autonomous Region of Bougainville). Members are elected by popular vote to serve five-year terms. The most recent election was held in June to July of 2022.
Members of Parliament are elected from the nineteen provinces and the National Capital District. After independence in 1975, members were elected by the first past the post system, with winners frequently gaining less than 15% of the vote. Electoral reforms in 2001 introduced the Limited Preferential Vote system (LPV), a modified version of alternative vote, where voters number their first three choices among the candidates. The first general election to use LPV was held in 2007.
Parliament introduced reforms in June 1995 to change the provincial government system, with provincial members of Parliament becoming provincial governors, while retaining their national seats in Parliament. However, if a provincial member accepts a position as a cabinet minister, the role of governor falls to one of the Open members of Parliament from the province.
As of 1 February 2019, Papua New Guinea was one of only three countries in the world out of 235 that had no women in its legislative branch or parliament. There have only been seven women elected to parliament ever, one of the lowest rates of legislative representation in the world. Proposals to have nominated (unelected) women MPs have not gained support.
The Speaker of the National Parliament of Papua New Guinea has considerable power, and can allow the executive to exercise considerable control over parliament. This has been described as a "fatal flaw" of the constitution.
While dual citizens cannot hold office, naturalised citizens can if they renounce their other citizenship(s). As of 2023, many naturalised citizens had served as MPs, with 17 becoming ministers in government.
Political parties and elections
Papua New Guinea has maintained continuous democratic elections and changes in government since independence. While seat results are often contested, the overall results of elections are accepted. Elections in PNG attract numerous candidates. After independence in 1975, members were elected by the first-past-the-post system, with many winners gaining less than 10% of the vote. In 1972, there was an average of six candidates contesting each seat; by 2002 that reached 26, with a higher proportion of independents. Voting now takes place through the Limited Preferential Vote system (LPV), a version of the alternative vote. Under this system, voters must give preference votes for at least three candidates. This is intended to reduce confrontation due to the need to court second and third preferences, as well as provide outlets for those, especially women, who might be pressured to select one candidate by others to also vote for their preferred candidate. Voting can take place over a few weeks, due to the time it can take to reach rural areas, and due to unexpected delays in voting logistics.
While political parties exist, they are not ideologically differentiated. Instead they generally reflect the alliances made between their members, and have little relevance outside of elections. All governments since 1972 have been coalitions, and the number of independent candidates that run has increased. Having no party makes it easier for winning politicians to negotiate with those trying to establish a majority coalition. When formed, such coalitions are unstable due to the potential for party hopping, referred to as "yo-yo" politics. Almost all parties have formed coalition with the others, and some coalitions have consisted of up to 10 separate parties. Ministerial positions are valuable, and constituents may often have little issue with their elected representatives switching parties to join the government, as it gives their district more representation. Political parties can have MPs in government while others remain in opposition. Opposition MPs have been appointed to government.
Changes in government mostly affected patronage and individual positions, rather than changing government priorities and programmes. Due to this, despite the fractiousness of politics, policy is relatively stable. Many parties might run on similar platforms, with common policies including rural development, better health, education, and other public services, and being anti-corruption. This further weakens policy debate, as candidates campaign on local representation rather than their platforms. Party whipping is uncommon. The lack of strong parties lasting between elections contributes to poor finances, meaning parties can not really support candidates outside of personal funds from party leaders. Pre-election coalitions are rare. A weak parliament has also resulted in a much stronger executive, a process strengthened by governments using procedural methods to control parliament. An increasing reliance on judicial methods to combat the government has increased the risk of the judiciary being seen as politicised.
The support bases of political parties are usually personal or geographical. Even when nominally national parties emerge, they are often strong in specific regions. Most parties exist only for a short time, and are highly dependent on their leaders. Conversely, initial governing coalitions are large, albeit fragile, as MPs seek to gain the benefits of being in government. Coalitions that emerge during mid-term political disputes however may be much closer to a basic majority.
For the first couple of decades of independence, there was at least one change of government within each parliamentary period. In total, only two prime ministers have finished a full term from election to election. Votes of no confidence are common, and while few are successful, multiple prime ministers have pre-emptively resigned to try and engineer reselection or adjourned parliament in order to avoid them. Prime ministers also engage in large-scale reshuffles to split opposition parties and craft new majorities. In October 2016, the government of Peter O'Neill launched a motion of no confidence against itself while much of the opposition was absent, which was voted down 78 to 2. The first successful vote of no confidence occurred in 1980, with one following in 1985, and the third in 1988, with many unsuccessful attempts in between. Motions of no confidence must be "constructive", ie. they must include a nomination for a replacement prime minister. (This does not apply in the final 12 months of a parliament, when a successful motion of no confidence would lead directly to an election.) Debate over a motion of no confidence is limited to seven days. They have historically been unpredictable, with embattled prime ministers sometimes surviving, and those with large coalitions sometimes falling.
The political culture is influenced by existing kinship and village ties, with communalism an important cultural factor given the many small and fragmented communities. Regional and local identities are strong, and traditional politics has integrated with the modern political system. There is a broad Papuan regional identity, and to some extent a highlands one, which can affect politics. However, outside of Bougainville, regional politics are autonomist rather than separatist, with separatism often used as rhetoric rather than as an ultimate goal. The importance of community ties to their land are reflected in the legal system, with 97% of the country designated as customary land, held by communities. Many such effective titles remain unregistered and effectively informal.